Jun 3, 2010
Robotic Fish Could Lead Real Fish Away From Danger
Bobby Fischer explains Jews -- audio clip
[Attachment(s) from David Q. included below]
Attachment(s) from David Q.
1 of 1 File(s)
Dalton's Holocaust Radio Debate on April 24, 2010:
http://www.american
Peace.
Michael Santomauro
Editorial Director
Call anytime: 917-974-6367
ReporterNotebook@
http://www.Debating
Amazon's: DEBATING THE HOLOCAUST: A New Look At Both Sides by Thomas Dalton
CNN showed graphic with a female anchor's voiceover that said Israel needs to keep their blockade up because:
- Israel's Security;
- Give No Benefits to Hamas;
- Recognizing Israel's Right To Exist; Hamas fails to recognize Israel's Right To Exist;
- Refusing To Renounce Violence; Hamas refuses to rule out violence in the future and has used violence in the past;
- Refusing To Comply With Earlier Accords.
Yardarm by Israel Shamir
Date: Thu, Jun 3, 2010 at 4:34 AM
Israel's by-far-too-long-arm should be countered by the yardarm.
The Yardarm is the Remedy
By Israel Shamir
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Dozens of our friends and comrades, of wonderful compassionate activists are dead and wounded in the pirate attack in the high seas on humanitarian aid boats. This is a dreadful crime that will forever be remembered and should be punished.
The Israeli pirates attacked the humanitarian aid Freedom Flotilla in the international waters over 90 miles (150 km) out of their territorial waters. The boats carried no arms; the participants strictly adhered to Ghandian mode by asking the Greek and Cyprus authorities to search the boats to avoid later claims that they were armed. It did not help them: the pirates boarded the boats in the high seas, and they turned the boats into killing fields.
"They attacked us as we boarded their vessel, and we killed them in self-defence", - claimed the murderers afterwards, and thousands of willing accessories to the murder repeated this nonsense. An intruder can't claim self-defence; while the activists were entitled to defend themselves against the unlawful attack
The Guardian newspaper editorial correctly stated: "the responsibility for the bloodshed was entirely [Israel's]. The Israeli navy said they were forced to open fire to avoid being lynched. What did the commandos expect pro-Palestinian activists to do once they boarded the ships – invite them aboard for a cup of tea with the captain on the bridge?"
Our friend Yvonne Ridley reminded that "under article 3 of the Rome Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Maritime Navigation of 1988, it is an international crime for any person to seize or exercise control over a ship by force, and also a crime to injure or kill any person in the process. One cannot attack a ship and then claim self-defence if the people on board resist the unlawful use of violence. In other words, according to international law, the actions of the Israeli military were beyond the law and those involved should be treated no differently than, say, the Somali pirates who are also in the habit of boarding ships by force. Any rights to self defence in such dramatic circumstances rest purely with the passengers and crew on board. Under international maritime law you are legally entitled to resist unlawful capture, abduction and detention."
Israel became a pirate state, like those established in the Caribbean in 16th c or one that flourished on the Barbary Coast as late as in 19th century. Pirate states should be suppressed and dismantled; otherwise normal communications will be disrupted. And the high seas piracy has a well known remedy: the yardarm. The names of the pirates are well known; the first of them is Ehud Barak, the 'defence minister' of the pirate state, whose place is at the yardarm.
This is not the first time Israel acts like a pirate state. Years ago, the Israelis had decided not to be bound by international law, by borders and frontiers, by conventions but by its own will. They seized boats in the international waters, hijacked airplanes, kidnapped people overseas and killed whomever they fancied. They kidnapped Mordecai Vanunu in Rome, they killed everywhere from Norway to Cyprus, they cloned and forged foreign passports, they seized liners and bombed airplanes. Nobody is safe from their by-far-too-long-arm; their arm should be countered by the yardarm.
Inability of the world community to deal with the pirates seriously undermined the Law of Nations and unhinged the Israeli minds. The Jews of Israel and many of their brethren elsewhere had come to an entirely wrong conclusion that they are above the law, a breed apart. "Who cares what the goyim say; what matters is what the Jews do", said the founder of Israel, David Ben Gurion in a moment of elation, though he was well aware of the permissible limits: when the American president ordered him to roll back his troops from Sinai, he obeyed within 24 hours. Since Ben Gurion and Eisenhower, not many people tried to stop Israel.
Their luck lasted for fifty years and caused a rupture between Israelis and reality; the Jews of Israel do believe now that they can do whatever they wish for they are real human beings, and the rest are not. And anyway "the world hates us". So they try to justify this hatred. In real life, people of the world do not "hate" or care this way or other about Jews, Armenians, Maronites, Tutsi and other small ethnic-religious communities who throw their weight around. These guys usually get their stroke of luck, but they push it too far and eventually they come to grief, so the world has to save them from utter annihilation.
Insanity is not a defence, especially in the case of simulated insanity. Israelis believe in the Mad Dog strategy attributed to Moshe Dayan or Pinchas Lavon: "Israel must be a like a mad dog, too dangerous to bother." So they pretend they are even crazier than they actually are. However, if they can't be contained, mad dogs have to be shot.
Our friend Jeff Blankfort proposed the diagnosis and the treatment: "Israel is a nation controlled by the criminally insane and supported by and large by a criminally insane public that has total contempt for the rest of humanity and for those Jews who do not support their racist enterprise. With its nuclear weapons, it is Israel that is holding the rest of the world hostage. The goal must be to find a way to disarm and dismantle it."
Lifting of Gaza blockade is the first goal, while the second is introduction of democracy and equality in the whole of the land between the Sea and the River. It's time for the Jews of Israel to come to terms with reality: Jews are ordinary human beings, not some supermen or space travellers or angels; they have to observe the customary law of nations. They can't go around killing people in neutral waters; they can't lock up a million of Gazans just because they are not Jews.
The dastardly attack on the Freedom Flotilla provides an opportunity: not only should the pirates be placed in the dock, but their supporters overseas as well, for aiding and abetting. The anti-terrorist laws promulgated by many nations allow for a legal framework to do it. Israel is a terrorist state, thus its supporters and lobbyists are supporters of terror network. They should be arrested immediately and their assets seized.
While this will bring freedom to people of Gaza, it will incidentally solve the financial and economic crisis as well, because the terrorist supporters head such criminal structures as Goldman-Sachs and Pentagon. They occupy not only Nablus, but the Capitol Hill and Wall Street as well. Their removal will save millions. The Greek debts and American mortgages will be evaporated; Afghanistan and Iraq will find peace. Even democracy will become real, instead of demo version.
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Dalton's Holocaust Radio Debate on April 24, 2010:
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Peace.
Michael Santomauro
Editorial Director
Call anytime: 917-974-6367
ReporterNotebook@Gmail.com
http://www.DebatingTheHolocaust.com
Amazon's: DEBATING THE HOLOCAUST: A New Look At Both Sides by Thomas Dalton
Glenn Greenwald Clobbers Eliot Spitzer in Debate on the Gaza Flotilla
Dalton's Holocaust Radio Debate on April 24, 2010:
http://www.american
Peace.
Michael Santomauro
Editorial Director
Call anytime: 917-974-6367
ReporterNotebook@
http://www.Debating
Amazon's: DEBATING THE HOLOCAUST: A New Look At Both Sides by Thomas Dalton
Who Is Ayn Rand?
Who is Ayn Rand? A review of Goddess of the Market: Ayn Rand and the American Right, by Jennifer Burns
In 1991, the book-of-the- And yet for 27 years after her death in 1982, we haven't had a single scholarly biography of Ayn Rand. Who was this woman? How did she come to write such phenomenally influential novels? What are we to make of her legacy? These are the questions that finally have been asked and answered splendidly, with somewhat different emphases, in two new biographies published within weeks of each other: Goddess of the Market: Ayn Rand and the American Right by Jennifer Burns, an assistant professor of history at the University of Virginia, and Ayn Rand and the World She Made by Anne C. Heller, a former executive editor at Condé Nast Publications. They are both big books, well written, exhaustively researched, and—remarkably, given their subject—judicious and disinterested. Both authors strike just the right tone in describing Rand's complicated life and personality, betraying neither animus nor infatuation. Choosing between them is a matter of tastes and interests. Burns's book offers more analysis of Rand's political activities and influence and less detail about Rand's personal life than Heller's. As someone who has known some of the principals in the drama and has been curious to learn the details from a detached perspective, I was drawn to Heller's lavishly detailed portrait of Rand the person, but that's a matter of my own tastes and interests. In both Burns's and Heller's accounts, the vibrant, brilliant woman of ideas shines through. Hour after hour the talk would continue in her New York apartment during the 1950s, sometimes all night, with Rand surrounded by her acolytes. Everyone seems to agree that this was Rand at her best. They also agree that she was spectacularly good at making her case. This was the Ayn Rand I once saw at Boston's Ford Hall Forum in the early 1960s: confident, incisive, fielding all questions, taking no prisoners. Charismatic is an overused word, but with Rand, it fits.
Both biographers also describe a kinder, gentler Rand who was just as real as the fierce intellectual combatant. To Martin Anderson, Ronald Reagan's long-time advisor, she was a "pussycat," who alone among a crowd at a café noticed that Anderson couldn't get his package of cream open (he had a broken arm) and helped him prepare his coffee. Joan Kennedy Taylor, for whose wedding Rand was matron of honor, once told me about Rand shushing Joan's objections when a recently widowed friend talked about rejoining her husband in heaven. If it gave her comfort, Rand said, Joan had no business trying to convince her she was wrong. There are repeated examples in both biographies of the ways in which Rand could be a sensitive, loyal, and affectionate friend. But there's no getting around it: taken as a whole, there is a dismaying discrepancy between the Ayn Rand of real life and Ayn Rand as she presented herself to the world. The discrepancy is important because Rand herself made such a big deal about living a life that was the embodiment of her philosophy. "My personal life is a postscript to my novels," she wrote in the afterword to Atlas Shrugged. "It consists of the sentence: 'And I mean it.' I have always lived by the philosophy I present in my books—and it has worked for me, as it works for my characters." As both books document, that statement was self-delusion on a grand scale. After Atlas Shrugged was published in 1957, Rand and her chief disciple Nathaniel Branden converted the themes of her novels into a philosophy that they labeled "Objectivism." Objectivism takes as its metaphysical foundation the existence of reality that is unchanged by anything that an observer might think about it—"A is A," as Aristotle put it, and as Rand often repeated in her own work. Objectivism's epistemology is based on the capacity of the human mind to perceive reality through reason, and the adamant assertion that reason is the only way to perceive reality. In Rand's view, notions of intuition or spiritual insight were hokum. One of the extensions of these premises to daily life is that "[o]ne must never attempt to fake reality in any manner," in words from The Virtue of Selfishness (1964) that appear in variations throughout Rand's work. To fake reality despoils that which makes human beings human. Wishful thinking, unrealistic hopes, duplicity, refusal to take responsibility for the consequences of one's actions—all these amount to faking reality and, to Rand, were despicable. But Rand herself faked reality throughout her life, beginning in small ways and ending with the construction of a delusional alternative reality that took over her life.
Her predilection for faking reality as an adult first emerged in the conflict between the reality of her husband, Frank O'Connor, and her image of him. O'Connor was a handsome bit-part actor Rand met soon after moving to Hollywood in 1927—in Heller's words, a "sweet, gallant, stoic, funny, emotionally inexpressive, easily led, and profoundly passive" man who drank too much, was never the one who initiated sex, never brought in much income, and in his own eyes was always "Mr. Ayn Rand." And yet Rand herself always insisted that O'Connor was a Randian hero in the mold of The Fountainhead's Howard Roark. It never made any sense to friends who knew them both. Her idealization of O'Connor had an endearing aspect—Rand genuinely loved him and remained devoted to him through his long, sad decline in old age. But her self-delusion could be hurtful. O'Connor was happiest and most productive on their 13-acre ranch in the San Fernando Valley where they lived in the last half of the 1940s, and was miserable when Rand unilaterally decided they would move to New York in 1951. She always pretended that Frank had hated California too ("You feel the same way, don't you, Frank?" she would say insistently whenever the subject came up), even though everybody knew—surely including Rand, her friends thought—that the move had caused him lasting pain. That's called faking reality to protect yourself from acknowledging the consequences of your own actions—a mortal sin in Randian ethics. There was her 30-year use of amphetamines, beginning with Benzedrine in 1942, as she was rushing to complete The Fountainhead, and continuing with Dexedrine and Dexamyl into the 1970s. Until now it has been described as a two-pill-a-day prescription for weight control, but evidence in Heller's book indicates that it wasn't seen that way by everyone. As early as 1945, her then-close friend, journalist Isabel Paterson, was berating her in letters with passages such as, "Stop taking that benzedrine, you idiot. I don't care what excuse you have—stop it." Heller presents other evidence that Rand had periods of heavy use in the 1950s and '60s. But the exact extent of her dependence on amphetamines is peripheral here to the broader self-delusion. As anyone who has had the experience knows, a good way to get a really, really distorted sense of reality is to swallow a couple of Dexedrines. If you want to take them anyway, don't go around bragging that you never "fake reality in any manner." There was her repeated claim that she owed no philosophical debt to anyone except Aristotle. It would be more accurate to say that everything in Objectivism is derivative of ideas that thinkers from John Locke to Adam Smith to Friedrich Nietzsche had expressed before. That's the way advances come about—in Isaac Newton's famous words, by standing on the shoulders of giants. But Newton, like other important thinkers, knew it and acknowledged it. By insisting that Objectivism had sprung full blown from her own mind, with just a little help from Aristotle, Rand was being childish, as well as out of touch with reality. There was her affair with Nathaniel Branden. It began in 1955 with an open declaration to her husband and Branden's wife that the affair would take place—no faking of reality in that instance—but ended in 1968 with Rand demonstrating beyond doubt that hell hath no fury like a woman scorned. She expelled Branden from the Objectivist movement, tried to get a publisher to block publication of one of his books, and falsely alleged financial shenanigans by him, all accompanied by a 53-paragraph statement to her followers about the reasons for repudiating Branden (including the sentence, "I do not fake reality and never have") that was a deception from beginning to end. That's called maliciously faking reality to get vengeance and to protect one's image. Finally, there was the cult surrounding Rand that developed during the 1960s. Reasoned discourse with Rand became impossible unless you began by accepting her pronouncements about everything—then you could argue the logic of your position. What had been lively back-and-forth explorations of ideas in the early 1950s became sessions at which the students sat at the feet of the master, "shivering, scared children who dared not say the wrong thing lest they incur her wrath," in the words of John Hospers. The lifelong aspect of Rand's personality that had fueled the brilliance of her novels, the capacity to imagine the world as she wanted it to be rather than the world as it is, had taken over real life. She had constructed a reality in which, if she so decreed, A was Z, and she lived within it for the rest of her life.
First, Rand expressed the glory of human achievement. She tapped into the delight that a human being ought to feel at watching another member of our species doing things superbly well. The scenes in The Fountainhead in which the hero, Howard Roark, realizes his visions of architectural truth are brilliant evocations of human creativity at work. But I also loved scenes like the one in Atlas Shrugged when protagonist Dagny Taggart is in the cab of the locomotive on the first run on the John Galt line, going at record speed, and glances at the engineer: He sat slumped forward a little, relaxed, one hand resting lightly on the throttle as if by chance; but his eyes were fixed on the track ahead. He had the ease of an expert, so confident that it seemed casual, but it was the ease of a tremendous concentration, the concentration on one's task that has the ruthlessness of an absolute.
Second, Ayn Rand portrayed a world I wanted to live in, not because I would be rich or powerful in it, but because it consisted of people I wanted to be around. As conditions deteriorate in Atlas Shrugged, the first person to quit in disgust at Hank Rearden's steel mill is Tom Colby, head of the company union: For ten years, he had heard himself denounced throughout the country, because his was a "company union" and because he had never engaged in a violent conflict with the management. This was true; no conflict had ever been necessary; Rearden paid a higher wage scale than any union scale in the country, for which he demanded—and got—the best labor force to be found anywhere. That's not a world of selfishness or greed. It's a world of cooperation and mutual benefit through the pursuit of self-interest, enabling satisfying lives not only for the Hank Reardens of the world but for factory workers. I still want to live there. That world came together in the chapters of Atlas Shrugged describing Galt's Gulch, the chapters I most often reread when I go back to the book. The great men and women who have gone on strike are gathered there, sometimes working at their old professions, but more often being grocers and cabbage growers and plumbers, because that's the niche in which they can make a living. In scene after scene, Rand shows what such a community would be like, and it does not consist of isolated individualists holding one another at arm's length. Individualists, yes, but ones who have fun in one another's company, care about one another, and care for one another—not out of obligation, but out of mutual respect and spontaneous affection.
Charles Murray is the W.H. Brady Scholar at the American Enterprise Institute. | ||||||||||
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Dalton's Holocaust Radio Debate on April 24, 2010:
http://www.american
Peace.
Michael Santomauro
Editorial Director
Call anytime: 917-974-6367
ReporterNotebook@
http://www.Debating
Amazon's: DEBATING THE HOLOCAUST: A New Look At Both Sides by Thomas Dalton
PHOTO ESSAY ~~ PROTESTS CONTINUE IN NEW YORK
| | PHOTO ESSAY ~~ PROTESTS CONTINUE IN NEW YORK desertpeace | June 3, 2010 at 13:11 | Categories: Activism, Associate Post, Gaza, International Solidarity, Israel, Palestine, Photography, War Crimes | URL: http://wp.me/ |
Large group protests flotilla attack in New York
A large group of protestors condemned the violent Israeli attack on a civilian flotilla taking humanitarian aid to Gaza in a demonstration in front of the Israeli Consulate yesterday...
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Dalton's Holocaust Radio Debate on April 24, 2010:
http://www.american
Peace.
Michael Santomauro
Editorial Director
Call anytime: 917-974-6367
ReporterNotebook@
http://www.Debating
Amazon's: DEBATING THE HOLOCAUST: A New Look At Both Sides by Thomas Dalton

