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Jan 26, 2010

Obama's Tiny Jobs Ideas for Main Street, A Big Spending Freeze for Wall Street

 

 

Obama's Tiny Jobs Ideas for Main Street, A Big Spending Freeze for Wall Street

President Obama today offered a set of proposals for helping America's troubled middle class. All are sensible and worthwhile. But none will bring jobs back. And Americans could be forgiven for wondering how the President plans to enact any of these ideas anyway, when he can no longer muster 60 votes in the Senate.

The bigger news is Obama is planning a three-year budget freeze on a big chunk of discretionary spending. Wall Street is delighted. But it means Main Street is in worse trouble than ever.

A pending freeze will make it even harder to get jobs back because government is the last spender around. Consumers have pulled back, investors won't do much until they know consumers are out there, and exports are miniscule.

In December 1994, Bill Clinton proposed a so-called "middle class bill of rights" including more tax credits for families with children, expanded retirement accounts, and tax-deductible college tuition. Clinton had lost his battle for health care reform. Even worse, by that time the Dems had lost the House and Senate. Washington was riding a huge anti-incumbent wave. Right-wing populists were the ascendancy, with Newt Gingrich and Fox News leading the charge. Bill Clinton thought it desperately important to assure Americans he was on their side. 

Two months later, Clinton summoned Dick Morris to the White House to figure out how Clinton could move to the right and better position himself for reelection. The answer: Balance the budget.

But in 1994, Clinton's inconsistencies didn't much matter. The U.S. economy was coming out of a recession. It was of no consequence that Clinton's jobs proposals were small or that he moved to the right and whacked the budget, because within a year the great American jobs machine was blasting away and the middle class felt a lot better. Dick Morris was not responsible for Clinton's reelection. Nor was Clinton's move to the right. What reelected Bill Clinton in 1996 was a vigorous jobs recovery that was on the way to happening anyway.

Today, though, there's no sign on the horizon of a vigorous recovery. Jobs may be coming back a bit in the next months but the country has lost so many (not to mention all those who have entered the workforce over the last two years and still can't land a job) that it will be many years before the middle class can relax. Furthermore, this recession isn't like other recessions in recent memory. It has more to do with problems deep in the structure of the American economy than with the ups and downs of the business cycle.

Like Clinton's, Obama's package of middle class benefits is small potatoes. They're worthwhile but they pale relative to the size and scale of the challenge America's middle class is now facing. Obama can no longer afford to come up with lists of nice things to do. At the least, he's got to do two very big and important things: (1) Enact a second stimulus. It should mainly focus on bailing out state and local governments that are now cutting services and raising taxes, and squeezing the middle class. This would be the best way to reinvigorate the economy quickly. (2) Help distressed homeowners by allowing them to include their mortgage debt in personal bankruptcy — which will give them far more bargaining leverage with morgage lenders. (Wall Street hates this.)

Yet instead of moving in this direction, Obama is moving in the opposite one. His three-year freeze on a large portion of discretionary spending will make it impossible for him to do much of anything for the middle class that's important. Chalk up another win for Wall Street, another loss for Main. 

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David Frum: Holocaust Denial’s Mission Accomplished, Says Leading Holocaust Denier

 

Holocaust Denial's Mission Accomplished, Says Leading Holocaust Denier

April 6th, 2009 at 10:37 am by David Frum | 5 Comments |


"The new anti-semitism" is the name given to the more pathological forms of anti-Zionism often found in the Middle East, in Europe and alas on North American university campuses. Obsessive hatred of Israel serves the same purpose as the more explicit hatred of Jews that went out of style with the end of World War II.

As a result, one of the world's leading Holocaust deniers now concedes that there is no more reason to deny historical fact: Lies about Israel have now led people to hate Jews so much that it's no longer necessary to lie about the Holocaust. Lawrence Auster tells the story:

In an article posted this past January at the website of the Institute for Historical Review, Mark Weber, the director of that organization and for decades the editor of its journal and the leading Holocaust denial publication, The Journal of Historical Review, announced his abandonment of Holocaust revisionism. The real motive of the Holocaust denial enterprise, he writes, has always been to weaken and delegitimize the "Jewish-Zionist power." …

[But] Holocaust denial is no longer necessary in carrying out the war against the Jews, because, Weber says, anti-Semitism and anti-Israelism have been increasing worldwide. … As a result, a direct attack can now be made on the Jews themselves, rather than the indirect attack through Holocaust denial.

It's a jaw-dropping story, and a sad tribute to the enduring power of history's most murderous hatred.




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NOW AN AMAZON KINDLE BOOK ON YOUR PC, iPHONE OR KINDLE DEVICE

Debating the Holocaust: A New Look at Both Sides By Thomas Dalton

In this remarkable, balanced book, the author skillfully reviews and compares "traditional" and "revisionist" views on the "The Holocaust."

On one side is the traditional, orthodox view -- six million Jewish casualties, gas chambers, cremation ovens, mass graves, and thousands of witnesses. On the other is the view of a small band of skeptical writers and researchers, often unfairly labeled "deniers," who contend that the public has been gravely misled about this emotion-laden chapter of history.

The author establishes that the arguments and findings of revisionist scholars are substantive, and deserve serious consideration. He points out, for example, that even the eminent Jewish Holocaust scholar Raul Hilberg acknowledged that there was no budget, plan or order by Hitler for a World War II program to exterminate Europe's Jews.

This book is especially relevant right now, as "Holocaust deniers" are routinely and harshly punished for their "blasphemy," and as growing numbers of people regard the standard, Hollywoodized "Holocaust" narrative with mounting suspicion and distrust.

The author of this book, who writes under the pen name of "Thomas Dalton," is an American scholar who holds a doctoral degree from a major US university.

This is no peripheral debate between arcane views of some obscure aspect of twentieth century history. Instead, this is a clash with profound social-political implications regarding freedom of speech and press, the manipulation of public opinion, how our cultural life is shaped, and how power is wielded in our society.

Peace.

Michael Santomauro
Editorial Director
Call anytime: 917-974-6367

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A Secret Report by Jan Karski

 

Editorial note on Jan. 26, 2010: It is now almost universally claimed, that Karski was never in Belzec, and either lied about it or thought that he was there when he was actually many miles away, elsewhere. See

Thus his "mission" to reveal the truth has come to greatly overshadow his never having discerned it in the first place. Making him the ideal witness to the Holocaust...

Start:

A Secret Report by Jan Karski

By Theodore J. O'Keefe
Winter 1986

One of the most durable and useful "eyewitnesses" to the alleged Jewish Holocaust has been the World-War-II Polish spy and propagandist who calls himself Jan Karski. The former courier for the Polish Underground, who was born Jan Kozielewski, wrote an account of his experiences in wartime Poland, Story of a Secret State, which was an American best-seller over forty years ago. Karski's most recent hit was his appearance in the film Shoah (for which he has high praise despite its strident anti-Polonism), in which his agonized recounting of his doings in the Warsaw "ghetto" in 1942 won him additional laurels for his role as a "righteous Gentile."

It has long been evident to revisionist scholars that Karski's several accounts of his alleged visit to the German camp for Jews located near Belzec, some 80 miles southeast of Lublin, have lost favor among Exterminationist authorities. As Arthur Butz has pointed out, "a new and sanitized version of his story" appeared in Walter Laqueur's The Terrible Secret. (note 1)Laqueur felt the need to explain Karski's failure to see any gas chambers by stating that "apparently ... these were walled in and could be approached only with a special permit." (note 2) Karski was not asked about his Belzec visit during his interview by Claude Lanzmann in Shoah, and most recently Raoul Hilberg has cast severe doubt on Karski's 1942 Belzec visit. "I would not put him in a footnote in my book," stated Hilberg. (note 3) As revisionist researcher Mark Weber has lately written, Karski's claim that Jews at Belzec were put on trains and shipped away from the camp is more consistent with the revisionist view of Belzec as a transit camp for Jews headed east than with the notion that Belzec was an extermination center. (note 4)

Not long ago a translation of a secret and before-that-time-unknown report submitted by Jan Karski to the Polish Government- in-Exile appeared in a Jewish scholarly journal published in New York City. (note 5) In the report, titled Zagadnienie Zydowskie w Rraju (The Jewish Problem in the Homeland), Karski provided revealing information about Jews and Poles under German and Soviet occupation, and even more revealing indications of his facility at distorting the facts in order to serve propaganda aims.

Karski's report, which carries a handwritten notation "to be put to use," was submitted to the Polish Govemment-in-Exile, at that time based in Angers, France, in February 1940. Karski had just returned from Poland, where he had been taken prisoner by the invading Russians, been handed over to German custody, and then excaped to the Polish Underground in the fall of 1939. According to his introduction to the report, which he composed on his arrival in Angers, he "did not make a special study of the Jewish Question while in the homeland." (note 6) Nevertheless, Karski made some careful observations. After describing the situations of Jews in the pre- 1919 German territories annexed by the Germans in 1939 and in the German-occupied General Government, Karski portrayed the Jewish role in that part of pre-war Poland that fell to the USSR in 1939 as follows:

The situation of the Jews in these territories is fundamentally different. Above all, "there are no distinctions made here among nationalities or religious groups." "Everyone finds conditions for work and the protection of the law."

The Jews are at home here, not only because they do not experience humiliations or persecutions, but [also because] they possess, thanks to their quick-wittedness and ability to adapt to every new situation, a certain power of both a political and an economic nature.

They are entering the political cells; in many of them they have taken over the most critical political-administrative positions. They play quite a large role in the factory unions, in higher education, and most of all in commerce; but above and beyond even all this they are involved in loansharking and profiteering, contraband, foreign currency exchange, liquor, immoral interests, pimping and procurement.

In these territories in the vast majority of cases their situation is better both economically and politically than what it was before the war.

This applies first of all the the classes of petty merchants, artisans, proletarians, and the half-educated. The wealthier and more educated circles [owners of hotels, large plants, factories, stores, as well as lawyers, doctors, engineers, etc.] are subject in principle to the same restrictions as a group, as are other nationalities within the Soviet system.

Karski went on to write of the Poles' attitudes towards the Jews in the Russian zone of occupation:

The attitude of the Jews towards the Bolsheviks is regarded among the Polish populace as quite positive. It is generally believed that the Jews betrayed Poland and the Poles, that they are basically communists, that they crossed over to the Bolsheviks with flags unfurled.

In fact, in most cities the Jews greeted the Bolsheviks with baskets of red roses, with submissive declarations and speeches, etc., etc.

However, one needs to insert here certain distinctions.

Certainly it is so that Jewish communists adopted an enthusiastic stance toward the Bolsheviks, regardless of the social class from which they came. The Jewish proletariat, small merchants, artisans, and all those whose position has at present been improved structurally and who had formerly been exposed to oppression, indignities, excesses, etc., from the Polish element -- all of these responded positively, if not enthusiastically, to the new regime.

Their attitude seems to me quite understandable.

However, there are worse cases, where they [the Jews] denounce the Poles, Polish nationalist students, and Polish political figures when they direct the work of the Bolshevik police force from behind their desks or are members of the police force, when they falsely defame the relations [between Poles and Jews] in former Poland. Unfortunately it is necessary to state that such incidents are quite common, more common than incidents which reveal loyalty toward Poles or sentiment toward Poland.

After expressing his own sympathy for the wealthier and better educated Jews, Karski concluded that as to the Poles' feelings toward the Jews in the Soviet zone:

In principle, however, and in their mass, the Jews have created here a situation in which the Poles regard them as devoted to the Bolsheviks and -- one can safely say -- wait for the moment when they will be able simply to take revenge upon the Jews. Virtually all Poles are bitter and disappointed in relation to the Jews; the overwhelming majority [first among them of course the youth] literally look forward to an opportunity for "repayment in blood "

Karski devoted the remainder of his report on the Jewish problem in occupied Poland to a frank consideration of the effectiveness of German anti-Jewish measures in winning "the sympathy, recognition, and respect of a broad stratum among the Poles." After claiming that the Germans' real goals in Poland vis-a- vis the Jews were "plunder" and "the duping of the Polish populace," Karski summed up the situation as follows:

It must be admitted that they are succeding in this.

The Jews pay and pay and pay ..., and the Polish peasant, laborer, and half-educated, unintelligent, demoralized wretch loudly proclaim, "Now then, they are finally teaching them a lesson." -- "We should learn from them." -- "The end has come for the Jews." -- "Whatever happens, we should thank God that the Germans came and took hold of the Jews," -- etc.

"The solution of the Jewish Question" by the Germans -- I must state this with a full sense of responsibility for what I am saying -- is a serious and quite dangerous tool in the hands of the Germans, leading toward the "moral pacification" of bread sections of Polish society.

It would certainly be erroneous to suppose that this issue alone will be effective in gaining for them the acceptance of the populace.

However, although the nation loathes them mortally, this question is creating something akin to a narrow bridge upon which the Germans and a large portion of Polish society are finding agreement.

It is certain that this bridge is no less narrow than the desires of the Germans to strengthen and reinforce it are great.

Moreover, this situation threatens to demoralize broad segments of the populace, and this in turn may present many problems to the future authorities endeavoring to rebuild the Polish state. It is difficult; "the lesson is not lost."

Furthermore, the present situation is creating a twofold schism among the inhabitants of these territories -- first, a schism between Jews and Poles in the struggle against the common enemy, and second, a schism among the Poles with one group despising and resenting the Germans' barbaric methods [conscious of the danger in this], and the other regarding them [and thus the Germans. too!] with curiosity and often fascination, and condemning the first group for its "indifference toward such an important question."

Karski and his superiors were not about to leave matters there, however. Possibly to avoid offending the sensibilities of British and French officials who might come across the report, but far more likely as a basis for propaganda among Jews and Westem liberals, Karski prepared alternate versions of some of the most damning passages in his secret report, which were appended to the document. The appended passages represented the Poles as sympathetic to the plight of the Jews, and dismissive of German efforts to win them over through anti-Jewish measures. The following passage is a rewrite of the summary quoted above, and embodies what Karski and the Polish Government-in-Exile imagined (doubtless correctly) would be a more palatable, to Hitler's enemies in the West, portrayal of Polish attitudes:

It is necessary to admit that only in one part are they necessary [sic] in this, while in the other part they are creating an affect precisely contrary to their intentions.

The Jews pay and pay and pay ..., but the Polish populace more and more frequently and in ever wider circles is thinking out loud: 'This is already too much." -- "These are not people." -- "This must end with some horrible punishment for the Germans.

'The solution of the Jewish Question" by the Germans -- this must be stated with a full sense of responsibility -- is supposed to be in their hands and according to their plans a serious and quite dangerous tool, whether for winning over or for "morally pacifying" broad sections of the Polish populace.

Certainly it would be in error to suppose that they expect that this issue alone will be effective in gaining for them the acceptance of the populace.

They know that the Polish nation loathes them mortally, but at the same time they are convinced that this question will create something akin to a narrow bridge upon which the Germans and a certain portion of Polish society will fmd agreement.

They know further -- and they rather expect this -- that their methods with respect to the Jews threaten to demoralize broad segments of the populace, and this in turn will certainly present many problems to the future authorities endeavoring to rebuild the Polish state. They believe also that the present situation will create a twofold schism among the inhabitants of these territories -- first, a schism between Jews and Poles in the struggle against the common enemy, and second, a schism among the Poles, with one group despising and resenting their barbaric methods [conscious of the danger in this] and the other [according the German expectations the great majority] regarding those methods [and thus, of course, their authors as well] with curiosity or fascination, and condemning the first group for its "indifference toward such an important question."

At this moment it is difficult to say to what extent the Germans understand that this group is not large and will in the course of time become even smaller.

The Karski report, interesting in itself for its observations of the pro-Soviet activity of many Jews in that part of pre-war Poland occupied by the Soviets in September 1939, provides further evidence of Karski's skill and lack of scruples as a propagandist. Indeed, Karski's role as a propagandist, spreading mendacious "Holocaust" propaganda among the political leaders and press lords of American and Britain, was if anything more important to his superiors in the Polish Govemment-in-Exile than his activity as a spy and a courier. As his successor, Jan Nowak, wrote:

They way was opened for me by my predecessor in this role, Jan Karski. Endowsed with great political acumen, very inventive, and commanding excellent English, Karski had done excellent political and propaganda work on both sides of the Atlantic. He had talked with Churchill, Roosevelt, and a whole range of influential politicians, members of Parliament, and British and American newspaper columnists. His book The Story of a Secret State was a best-seller in America "I hope," said Mikolajczyk [the Polish Interior Minister], "that you will turn out to be another Karski." (note 7)

Through his continued activity as a self-professed eyewitness to the "Holocaust," and his defense of Claude Lanzmann's anti-Polish movie, the alleged."righteous gentile" Jan Karski seems to be carrying on his propagandist's role for different interests.

Notes

1. Arthur Butz, "Perspective in the 'Holocaust' Controversy,"JHR, Vol. 3, no. 4 (Winter 1982), p. 388. Reprinted in Butz, The Hoax of the Twentieth Century, IHR, 1985, p. 352.

2. Walter Laqueur, The Terrible Secret, New York: Penguin, 1982, p. 231.

3. Interview by Emie Meyer, Jerusalem Post, week ending June 28, 1986, p.9.

4. "An Open Letter to Rev. Mark Herbener," Christian News, April 27, 1987, p. 1.

5. David Engel, "An Early Account of Polish Jewry under Nazi and Soviet Occupation Presented to the Polish Govemment-in-Exile, February 1940," Jewish Social Studies, Vol. XLV, no. 1 (Winter 1983), p. 1.

6. All quotations from the Karski report are taken from the translation presented in the the Engel article. Excerpts from a slightly different translation of Karski's report lately appeared in a letter by the British historian of Poland, Norman Davies, which was published in The New York Review of Books, April 9, 1987 ("Poles and Jews: An Exchange").

7. Jan Nowak, Courier from Warsaw, Detroit: Wayne State University, 1982, p. 234.


Bibliographic information

Author:

O'Keefe, Theodore J.

Title:

A Secret Report by Jan Karski

Source:

The Journal for Historical Review (http://www.ihr.org)

Date:

Winter 1986

Issue:

Volume 7 number 4

Location:

Page 504

ISSN:

0195-6752



--
NOW AN AMAZON KINDLE BOOK ON YOUR PC, iPHONE OR KINDLE DEVICE

Debating the Holocaust: A New Look at Both Sides By Thomas Dalton

In this remarkable, balanced book, the author skillfully reviews and compares "traditional" and "revisionist" views on the "The Holocaust."

On one side is the traditional, orthodox view -- six million Jewish casualties, gas chambers, cremation ovens, mass graves, and thousands of witnesses. On the other is the view of a small band of skeptical writers and researchers, often unfairly labeled "deniers," who contend that the public has been gravely misled about this emotion-laden chapter of history.

The author establishes that the arguments and findings of revisionist scholars are substantive, and deserve serious consideration. He points out, for example, that even the eminent Jewish Holocaust scholar Raul Hilberg acknowledged that there was no budget, plan or order by Hitler for a World War II program to exterminate Europe's Jews.

This book is especially relevant right now, as "Holocaust deniers" are routinely and harshly punished for their "blasphemy," and as growing numbers of people regard the standard, Hollywoodized "Holocaust" narrative with mounting suspicion and distrust.

The author of this book, who writes under the pen name of "Thomas Dalton," is an American scholar who holds a doctoral degree from a major US university.

This is no peripheral debate between arcane views of some obscure aspect of twentieth century history. Instead, this is a clash with profound social-political implications regarding freedom of speech and press, the manipulation of public opinion, how our cultural life is shaped, and how power is wielded in our society.

http://www.amazon.com/s/ref=nb_ss_0_8?url=search-alias%3Daps&field-keywords=debating+the+holocaust&sprefix=DEBATING

Peace.

Michael Santomauro
Editorial Director
Call anytime: 917-974-6367
ReporterNotebook@Gmail.com

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German firm cancels deal with Iran port due to Israeli pressure

 



German firm cancels deal with Iran port due to Israeli pressure

aletho | January 26, 2010 at 11:40 am | Categories: Supremacism, Social Darwinism, Wars for Israel | URL: http://wp.me/pIUmC-18l

By Barak Ravid | Haaretz | January 25, 2010

After heavy diplomatic pressures from the Israeli government, a German construction company on Monday canceled its end of a contract to renovate the Bander Abbas Port in Iran.

Israel's ambassador to Berlin told Chancellor Angela Merkels' top aides, as well as foreign ministry officials, that Iran has been exporting weapons from that port bound for Hezbollah in Lebanon and Hamas in the Gaza Strip.

Ambassador Yoram Ben Ze'ev stressed that the Gaza-bound weapons ship "Francop," which was recently apprehended by the Israel Defense Forces in the Mediterranean, had been dispatched from that Iranian port.

A political official said that the Israeli embassy received word just over a week ago of a deal in the works between the Hamburg Company, which is partly owned by the German government, and the Iranian agencies.

Ben Ze'ev stressed that Israel viewed the contract as German assistance to an Iranian arms deal with terror organizations, and a violation of United Nations resolutions.

At Israel's request, German officials contacted the company owners and hinted that ir preferred the deal be terminated. Several days later, the company announced that it would withdraw from the contract.

President Shimon Peres arrived in Berlin on Monday ahead of international Holocaust Memorial Day on Wednesday, during which he is scheduled to address the German parliament in Hebrew.

The president will also speak to Merkel regarding Germany's financial ties with the Islamic country.

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Peace.

Michael Santomauro
Editorial Director
Call anytime: 917-974-6367
ReporterNotebook@Gmail.com
New Release: Debating The Holocaust by Thomas Dalton

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Yesterday's Poland: JAN KARSKI WARNS WORLD IN 1944

 

http://www.cwporter.com/karski.htm

JAN KARSKI/KARSKY WARNS WORLD OF INCREDIBLE 1944 "QUICKLIME" HOAXOCO$T

AND

IS BELIEVED

The extent to which the Poles (and/or the Jews, depending on your viewpoint) were willing to lie to cause a war is perhaps best revealed by STORY OF A SECRET STATE, by Jan Karski, available for 3 or 4 dollars, used, first edition, from www.alibris.com or www.abebooks.com. The official version of the Hoaxoco$t, peddled by Karski to (and by) the World Jewish Congress in 1944, was that the Germans were exterminating Jews in trains full of quicklime. There is no mention of any other method of mass killing (there is a single mention of "chlorine" on p. 358, but without any detail, and no mention of gas chambers anywhere in the book). Karski claims to have seen the "quicklime train" with his own eyes, with a great show of Catholic piety.

Transcription of excerpt:

"'Ruhe, ruhe! Quiet, quiet! All Jews will board this train to be taken to a place where work awaits them. Keep order. Do not push. Anyone who attempts to resist or create a panic will be shot.' He stopped speaking and looked challengingly at the helpless mob that hardly seemed to know what was happening. Suddenly, accompanying the movement with a loud, hearty laugh, he yanked out his gun and fired three random shots into the crowd. A single stricken groan answered him. He replaced the gun in his holster, smiled, and set himself for another roar: Alle Juden, 'raus -- 'raus!' For a moment the crowd was silent. Those nearest the SS man recoiled from the shots and tried to dodge, panic-stricken, toward the rear. But this was resisted by the mob as a volley of shots from the rear sent the whole mass surging forward madly, screaming in pain and fear. The shots continued without let-up from the rear and now from the sides, too, narrowing the mob down and driving it in a savage scramble onto the passageway. In utter panic, groaning in despair and agony, they rushed down the passageway, trampling it so furiously that it threatened to fall apart. Here new shots were heard. The two policemen at the entrance to the train were now firing into the oncoming throng corralled in the passageway, in order to slow them down and prevent them from demolishing the flimsy structure. The SS man now added his roar to the deafening bedlam.'Ordnung, ordnung!' he bellowed like a madman.'Order, order!' The two policemen echoed him hoarsely, firing straight into the faces of the Jews running to the trains. Impelled and controlled by this ring of fire, they filled the two cars quickly.And now came the most horrible episode of them all. The Bund leader had warned me that if I lived to be a hundred I would never forget some of the things I saw. He did not exaggerate. The military rule stipulates that a freight car may carry eight horses or forty soldiers. Without any baggage at all, a maximum of a hundred passengers standing close together and pressing against each other could be crowded into a car. The Germans simply issued orders to the effect that 120 to 130 Jews had to enter each car. Alternatedly swinging and firing with their rifles, the policemen were forcing still more people into the two cars which were already over-full. The shots continued to ring out in the rear and the driven mob surged forward, exerting an irresistible pressure against those nearest the train. These unfortunates, crazed by what they had been through, scourged by the policemen, and shoved forward by the milling mob, then began to climb on the heads and shoulders of those in the trains. These were helpless since they had the weight of the entire advancing throng against them and responded only with howls of anguish to those who, clutching at their hair and clothes for support, trampling on necks, faces and shoulders, breaking bones and shouting with insensate fury, attempted to clamber over them. After the cars had already been filled beyond normal capacity, more than another score [= 140-150 people total - C.P.] of human beings, men, women, and children gained admittance in this fashion. Then the policemen slammed the doors across the hastily withdrawn limbs that still protruded and pushed the iron bars in place. The two cars were now crammed to bursting with tightly packed human flesh, completelyhermetically filled [at this rate, they'd be dead in a matter of minutes anyway; so who needs the rest of this whole complicated procedure? The same question can be raised with regards to the alleged "gas chambers", which Karski never even mentions. - C.P]. All this while the entire camp had reverberated with a tremendous volume of sound in which the hideous groans and screams mingled weirdly with shots, curses, and bellowed commands. Nor was this all. I know that many people will not believe me, will think I exaggerate or invent. But I saw it and it is not exaggerated or invented. I have no other proofs, no photographs. All I can say is that I saw it and that it is the truth. The floors of the car had been covered with a thick, white poweder. It was quicklime. Quicklime is simply unslaked lime or calcium oxide that has been dehydrated. Anyone who has seen cement being mixed knows what occurs when water is poured on lime. The mixture bubbles and steams as the powder combines with the water, generating a large amount of heat. [* See note about the use of quicklime in outhouses, below - C.P.] Here the lime served a double purpose in the Nazi economy of brutality. The moist flesh coming in contact with the lime is rapidly dehydrated and burned. The occupants of the cars would be literally burned to death before long, the flesh eaten from their bones. Thus, the Jews would 'die in agony,' fulfilling the promise Himmler had issued 'in accord with the will of the Fuehrer,' in Warsaw, in 1942. Secondly, the lime would prevent decomposing bodies from spreading disease. It was efficient and inexpensive -- a perfectly chosen agent for their purposes. It took three hours to fill up the entire train by repititions of this procedure. It was twilight when the forty-six (I counted them) cars [46 x 140 = 6,440 people - C.P.] were packed. From one end to the other, the train, with its quivering cargo of flesh, seemed to throb, vibrate, rock and jump as if bewitched [A rock 'n' roll train! - C.P.] . There would be a strangely uniform momentary lull and then, again, the train would begin to moan and sob, wail and howl [Elvis, woulds't that thou wert living at this hour!- C.P.]. Inside the camp a few score dead bodies remained and a few in the final throes of death. German policemen walked around at leisure with smoking guns, pumping bullets into anything, that by a moan or motion betrayed an excess of vitality. Soon, not a single one was left alive [OK, so then what's the point of the whole "quicklime train extermination" procedure? -C.P.]. In the now quiet camp the only sounds were the inhuman screams that were echoes from the moving train[This doesn't make sense, but then none of it does. - C.P.] Then these, too, ceased. All that was now left was the stench of excrement and rotting straw and a queer, sickening, acidulous odor which, I thought, may have come from the quantities of blood that had been let, and with which the ground was stained. As I listened to the dwindling outcries from the train, I thought of the destination toward which it was speeding. My informants had minutely described the entire journey. The train would travel about eighty miles and finally come to a halt in an empty, barren field. Then nothing at all would happen. The train would stand stock-still, patiently waiting while death penetrated into every corner of its interior. This would take from two to four days. When quicklime, asphyxiation, and injuries had silenced every outcry, a group of men would appear [must have been a very large "group". -C.P.] They would be young, strong Jews, assigned to the task of cleaning out these cars until their own turn to be in them should arrive. Under a strong guard they would unseal the cars and expel the heaps of decomposing bodies. The mounds of flesh that they piled up would then be burned and the remnants buried in a single huge hole [6,440 people; see above. -C.P.]. The cleaning, burning and burial would consume one or two full days. The entire process of disposal would take, then, from three to six days [four days to die, but only 2 days to burn and bury 6,440 people, with only one "group". Where did they get the wood (200 kg of dry wood per person)? What did they do when it was raining or snowing? Where are the billions of bone fragments (for example, 5,500 bone fragments from 4 bodies in the Herb Baumeister serial killing case)? They don't just disappear, you know, even if cremated in proper facilities. In fact, the more perfectly you cremate them, the more fragments there will be. This simple fact is not always obvious. - C.P.] . During this period the camp would have recruited new victims. The train would return and the whole cycle would be repeated from the beginning." 

For 50 years, Karski never repudiated this lie, and even compounded it with another liethat he "attempted to warn the world of the Holocaust but was not believed". Just look up "Jan Karski" on the Internet! By his own account, he was believed. 

Chapter 33 describes the manner in which he was allegedly fawned upon by:

- General Sikorsky (pp. 380-383);

- the President of Poland, Wladyslaw Rackiewicz (p. 383);

- "individual members of the Government and the Polish political leaders (ibid);

- the Polish Minister of Finance (ibid);

- "leaders of the United Nations" (p. 383);

Anthony Eden, who is said to have told Karski "I am honored to have met you (p. 383);

- "nearly every English political leader" (p. 383: "Nearly every English political leader was interested in a different aspect of my reports. I cannot fathom how or why it was so, but no two people had the same interests. Mr. Arthur Greenwood, the Labour leader, Lord Selbourne, Lord Cranborne, and Dr. Dalton, the President of the Board of Trade; Miss Ellen Wilkinson, the fiery Member of Parliament, Mr. O'Malley, the British Ambassador to the Polish government; the American Ambassador, Anthony Drexel Biddle; the Parliamentary Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Richard Law -- each and every one of them wanted to hear about something different");

- the United Nations War Crimes Commission (p. 384: "I told them what I had seen in the Warsaw ghetto and the Belzec death camp. My testimony was placed on record and I was told that it will be used as evidence in the United Nations' indictment of Germany");

Polish Ambassador Jan Ciechanowski (p. 386);

- the "most prominent men in the country" (p. 386);

- Assistant Secretary Berle (p. 387);

- Attorney General Biddle (ibid);

- the "Supreme Court", through Felix Frankfurter (ibid);

- "Catholic circles", through Archbishops Mooney and Stritch (ibid);

- "Jewish circles", through Nahum Goldman and Rabbi Wise (ibid);

and, finally,

- President Roosevelt himself (p. 387-388): "President Roosevelt seemed to have plenty of time and to be incapable of fatigue... He asked me to verify the stories told about the German practices against the Jews... On every topic he demanded precise and accurate information...")!

At this point the question must be raised: who is crazier? Karski -- or the people who believe(d) him?

To prevent the above mentioned "quicklime Hoaxoco$t", the Americans were asked to make "greater sacrifices" (p. 328), as if what the Americans were already doing was not enough! In 1944!

The "quicklime train" episode is given a tremendous buildup in Chapter 29, pp. 320-328, where Karski claims to have met the leaders of the Zionist organization and the Jewish Socialist Alliance, the Bund, in the Warsaw Ghetto. A great show is made of showing that Karski is not Jewish and does not speak Yiddish. He is told: 

"The Polish Jews are to be murdered... the Jewish people will no longer exist...at this time, 1,800,000 Jews had been murdered...The truth might not be believed. It might be said that this figure was exaggerated, not authentic. I was to argue, to convince, do anything I could, use every available proof and testimonial, shout the truth till it could not be denied...'You mean that every one of those who were presumably deported was actually killed?' 'Every single one'... ten thousand a day... It was now the beginning of October, 1942. In two and half months, in one district in Poland, the Nazis had committed three hundred thousand murders. It was, indeed, the report of an unprecedented species of criminality that I had to bring to the outside world. But my story was not merely to be based on their uncorroborated word-of-mouth stories... they would take me into one of the many death camps where Jews were tortured and murdered by the thousands. As an eyewitness I would be much more convincing than a mere mouthpiece. At the same time they warned me that if I accepted their offer I would have to risk my life to carry it out. They told me, too, that as long as I lived I would be haunted by the memory of the ghastly scenes I would witness...

'Germany ought to be bombed mercilessly... we ought to threaten the entire German nation with a similar fate both during and after the war... Tell the Allied governments... to issue official declarations to the German government and people telling them that the consequences of continued persecution will be mass reprisals, the systematic destruction of the entire German nation... Let the Allied governments, wherever their hand can reach, in America, England, and Africa, begin public executions of Germans, any they can get hold of. That is what we demand...", etc.

Thus the "quicklime death train" is not a one-off, a unique aberration, but is represented as THE German extermination programme, apparently the only one there was; we repeat: there is no mention of "gas chambers", anywhere in the book.

For this, we were asked to exterminate the German people and make "greater sacrifices" during the war.

According to a letter on David Irving's website, Karski was a converted Jew, and the book -- written in the style of a cheap spy novel with, I believe, some P.G. Wodehouse influence (see Chapter 18, particularly, p. 227) -- was ghost-written by a man named Sinclair.

Personally, I believe this to be true; that Karski was a Jew, and not a Pole. At any rate, he was one of the most fantastically successful liars who ever lived (Professor at Georgetown University, invited guest of several Presidents, etc.). The Poles have had 60 years in which to denounce Karski as a liar and an imposter, and to my knowledge have never done so.

Perhaps the Poles are not unique in this. Does anyone care about the lie of the "300 Baby Incubators" that helped start the Gulf War of 1991? Of course not; lies are like toilet paper; they are used and then thrown away. 

CARLOS W. PORTER
AUGUST 2004

* P.S.: It appears almost superfluous to add that anyone who has ever put quicklime down an outhouse knows you can handle the stuff with your bare hands. It absorbs moisture and prevents organic matter from smelling as it rots, but it does not burn the flesh off your hands, even if you handle it every day for years, or every day of your life, as many people do.

"Ain't we got every fool in town on our side? Ain't that a big enough majority in any town?" - Mark Twain

"A two-legged animal will believe anything, and the more preposterous the better. Whales speak French at the bottom of the sea... pygmies mate with elephants in Darkest Africa... I have sold all these propositions." - Snake-oil salesman in the film, "Little Big Man"

"We got caught, that's all". - Same character, during tarring and feathering by enraged mob.

Recommended "google.com" search: "300 baby incubator lie"
in particular: 
http://www.whatreallyhappened.com/RANCHO/LIE/HK/HK_IRAQ.html

See also: THE FIRE THIS TIME by Ramsey Clark

 

 

See also: blackbook.htm

 

MADE IN RUSSIA - THE HOLOCO$T

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Peace.

Michael Santomauro
Editorial Director
Call anytime: 917-974-6367
ReporterNotebook@Gmail.com
New Release: Debating The Holocaust by Thomas Dalton

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Haiti and India: Different Responses to Two Very Different Deadly Quakes

 



Haiti and India: Different Responses to Two Very Different Deadly Quakes

Refugees seek shelter in tents just outside of Port-au-Prince

TIMOTHY FADEK / POLARIS FOR TIME

Pancaked buildings, the sickly-sweet smell of rotting human flesh, the lingering terror of aftershocks, the stupefaction of survivors ... Journalists are among only a cursed few people — along with relief workers — who get to witness the horrors of a monster earthquake more than once.

Almost exactly eight years ago, I was driving into another urban landscape that had been flattened by a super-quake: the Kutch region of India's Gujarat state. Three densely populated cities — Bhuj, Anjar and Bachau — had been turned into rubble, along with scores of villages.(See TIME's exclusive photos from the Haiti earthquake.)

I felt an overwhelming sense of déjà vu when I arrived in Port-au-Prince this week: the grim and grisly images of the mutilated and the dead, the heartbreaking tales of sundered families, the air thick with despair. And the utterly feeble efforts of an inept and corrupt government.

But not all the familiar images and emotions are terrible. As in Gujarat, I'm also seeing the superhuman effort of rescue teams, the amazing patience of aid workers and the iron fortitude of those who survived this catastrophe.

There's the sense of awe that accompanies every encounter with a real-life hero — like the doctors who save hundreds of lives every day. There's the spiritual uplift from the sight of men and women from scores of nations gathering to help a stricken land. And there's the exultation that comes with news of a miraculous survival, like the 24-year-old man who was pulled from the rubble of a hotel on Jan. 24.

And there is, ultimately, redeeming pride in humankind's ability to overcome a calamity, even this one.

As much as quake zones can look alike, though, the people caught in them respond to their tragedy in different ways. The Gujaratis, unused to a natural disaster of the scale they confronted in 2001, were paralyzed by its enormity. Nearly a month after the first shock, many people, especially those in the countryside, remained consumed by fear.(Watch a video of pain and hunger at one of Haiti's hospitals.)

Haitians, far too familiar with disaster, swiftly recovered their poise. Barely a week after the quake, food stalls had reopened in many neighborhoods. There was some looting, and here and there some violence. But that was mainly in Port-au-Prince. In towns like Leogane, where perhaps 9 out of 10 buildings have either collapsed or become uninhabitable, people have already dusted themselves off and are trying to work out their next step. It may have taken nearly a week to reach Leogane, but the town started to clear rubble sooner than the capital city did. Even in Port-au-Prince, I saw people smiling, sometimes laughing, kids playing basketball in the shadow of the destroyed National Palace and soccer in the tent cities. There were few smiles in Gujarat eight years ago.

But if Haitians have been quicker to take their tragedy in stride, it's unlikely that their country will recover as fast as Gujarat did: within five years of the 2001 quake, large parts of Kutch were rebuilt. Bhuj, Bachau and Anjar rebounded. Nobody I've met in Haiti expects Port-au-Prince or Leogane or Jacmel to recover in a decade, even two. Over and over I hear people say, with resignation, "Come back in five years, and you'll find that we haven't yet cleared the rubble." Nobody said that to me in Gujarat.(See pictures of dramatic rescues.)

Gujarat had several advantages over Haiti: it is one of India's most prosperous states, and its people have a well-deserved reputation for can-do entrepreneurship. Haiti, by contrast, is the sick man of Latin America and has little to show for private enterprise. Gujarat's government has much to be ashamed of (not least its appalling inability to protect its minority Muslim population), but it is largely business-friendly and stable; Haiti's rulers are neither. It would take herculean optimism to imagine that they won't make a hash of rebuilding their wounded nation, just as they have done after every previous calamity.

But such long-term considerations don't occupy the minds of the hundreds of thousands of Haitians who sleep in tent cities every night. Their concerns are more immediate: will there be another aftershock tonight? Where to get food tomorrow? How to find out whether friends and relatives have survived? Eight years ago and half a world away, those were exactly the questions Gujaratis were asking themselves as they dozed off in the tent cities of Bhuj, Bachau and Anjar.

http://www.time.com/time/specials/packages/article/0,28804,1953379_1953494_1956311,00.html?xid=rss-world-yahoo






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Peace.

Michael Santomauro
Editorial Director
Call anytime: 917-974-6367
ReporterNotebook@Gmail.com
New Release: Debating The Holocaust by Thomas Dalton

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