What sort of TRUTH is it that crushes the freedom to seek the truth?
Feb 20, 2011
American Zionism against the Egyptian Pro-Democracy Movement
By James Petras
One of the least analyzed aspects of the Egyptian pro-democracy movement and US policy toward it, is the role of the influential Zionist power configuration (ZPC) including the leading umbrella organization – the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations (CPMAJO) – Congressional Middle East committee members, officials occupying strategic positions in the Obama Administration's Middle East bureaus, as well as prominent editors, publicists and journalists who play a major role in the prestigious newspapers and popular weekly magazines. This essay is based on a survey of every issue of the Daily Alert (propaganda bulletin of the CPMAJO), the NY Times and the Washington Post between January 25 – February 17, 2011.
From the very beginning of the Egyptian pro-democracy movement, the ZPC, called into question the legitimacy of the anti-dictatorial demands by focusing on the "Islamic threat". In particular the ultra-Zionist Washington Post, the Wall Street Journal and the Daily Alert harped on the "threat" of a "Islamic takeover" by the Muslim Brotherhood even as the overwhelming number of non-Zionist experts and reporters in Egypt demonstrated that the vast majority of protestors were not members of any Islamic political movement, but largely advocates of a secular democratic republic (see the Financial Times 1/26/11-2/17/11).
Once their initial propaganda ploy failed, the ZPC developed several new propaganda lines: the most prominent of which was a sustained defense of the Mubarak dictatorship as a bulwark of Israel's 'security' and guardian of the so-called "Peace Accord" of 1979. In other words the ZPC pressured the US administration, via Congressional hearings, the press and AIPAC to support Mubarak as a key guarantor and collaborator of Israel's supremacy in the Middle East; although it meant that the Obama regime would have to openly oppose the million-member Egyptian freedom movement. Israeli journalists, officials and their US Zionist counterparts willingly admitted that although the Mubarak regime was a bloody, corrupt tyranny, he should be supported because a democratic government in Cairo might end Egypt's decades-old collaboration with the brutal Israeli colonization of Palestine.
Once it became clear that uncritical support for Mubarak was no longer a viable position and the Obama Administration was appealing to the democratic movement to "dialogue" and negotiate with the dictator, the ZPC demanded caution in backing a "dialogue" and assurance that the dialogue did not lead to any abrupt changes in the Mubarak-Israeli treaty. The ZPC and its scribes in the Washington Post presented Mubarak's hand picked "Vice President" Omar Suleiman, a notorious torturer and long-term collaborator of Israel's Mossad, as the legitimate interlocutor for the dialogue - even as he was unanimously rejected by the entire pro-democracy movement.
As the demonstrators grew in number and engulfed the major public squares throughout the country and extended beyond the first week, Israel and the ZPC promoted a possible alternative solution, which would keep Mubarak in power, during a nine month 'transition' period. Caught off guard by the rapid growth of Egypt's pro-democracy movement, Israel's willing accomplices in the US administration and media conceded that an end to the dictatorship would be a good thing… if it was managed appropriately; namely, if it excluded or minimized the role of the Muslim Brotherhood and maximized the role of the pro-Israel military high command and intelligence services as overseers of the "transition". The ZPC contemptuously rejected Egypt's independent pro-democracy movement and its leaders and sought to undermine the Egyptian people's movement by inflating the role of the "best organized" Islamic Brotherhood and warned of a future Islamist "seizure of power".
The leading Zionist official in the Obama Administration and AIPAC point man, Deputy Secretary of State James Steinberg traveled to Israel to assure the Netanyahu/Lieberman regime that the US was in contact with the Egyptian military high command and sectors of the civilian opposition (ElBaradei) and that Washington's support of the democracy movement was conditioned by their assurance that the Israeli-Egyptian Treaty would remain unchanged.
When Mubarak was finally forces to resign, handing power to a military junta, the ZPC congratulated the coup-makers, supported its demobilization of the movement and more important, celebrated the Egyptian generals' endorsement of the "Peace Agreement of 1979". Now the Israeli propaganda machine began to harshly criticize Mubarak and portrayed the military coup as a positive step toward an "orderly and peaceful transition". By 'orderly' the Zionist think tankers meant a 'regime change' that did nothing to change the blockade of Gaza, the regular shipment of fuel to Israel, or the hotline of collaboration between Tel Aviv and Cairo. Israeli and American Zionists rejected early elections and promoted a prolonged process in which the Egyptian military, the US Administration and the ZPC could handpick members of the 'transitional constitutional and electoral commissions' committed to continuing Mubarak's policy of unconditional submission to Israel. By "peaceful" the pro-Israel diplomats in the Obama Administration meant clearing the streets of the masses of pro-democracy activists and demonstrators so that decisions could be controlled by the small circle of Mubarak military and civilian holdovers behind closed doors. By "transition", the circles of Zionists propagandists, US/Israeli policy makers and Egyptian generals meant that nothing would change but the face of Mubarak.
While Israel and the bulk of Zionist scribes and propagandists in the US opposed or questioned the pro-democracy movements against pro-Israeli rulers in the Middle East, they embraced and publicized the social movements opposing the Iranian regime. In every print and electronic outlet, the pro-Israel journalists emphasized the repressive, brutal nature of the Iranian regime, called for regime change and raised the specter of a military confrontation if Iranian warships traversed the Suez Canal, Iran's right by international maritime law. Israeli security, the threat of 'radical Islam' and Iran were cited to place narrow limits on all discussions and debates over US policy regarding the enormous and growing mass pro-democracy movements throughout the Arab world.
The same prominent US Zionist scribes who, at first, defended US support for the dictatorial Mubarak regime and then supported the military takeover in Cairo, have now become born-again backers of anti-regime democrats in Iran. This is not inconsistent: the issue for US Zionists is how might pro-democracy movements affect Israel's colonial policies in Palestine and Israel's expanding power in the Middle East? In other words, the ZPC in Congress and the White House are not concerned about promoting democracy through American foreign policy, but only about harnessing US diplomacy and military leverage to serve Israel.
What is striking about Obama's twist and turns in policy toward the mass popular struggles in Egypt is how closely it repeats and implements the policy positions of the US Zionist power configuration clearly presented in the '52 organizations' propaganda organ, the Daily Alert.
###Feb. 20, 2011
Scientists: Sun's approaching 'Grand Cooling" assures new Ice Age
by Terrence Aym
February 18, 2011
NASA and the ESA agree, and so does the Russian space agency, Roscosmos—the sun is headed for a Grand Cooling.
Michael Hoffman's comment on Feb. 20, 2011: The following book review is a macabre joke on history. If Gilbert's work is as riddled with errors as the review itself, then he has written a trashcan tome. There was for centuries a Judeo-Muslim alliance against Christendom with Judaics guiding subordinate Muslim forces, as was the case, to cite one renowned instance, in the 15th century in the Iberian peninsula, against Ferdinand and Isabella. Judaics lived very well under various Muslims empires; the Sassoon dynasty is but one example. Maimonides was influential over the Muslim empire in which he was raised to the status of personal physician to the family of the Sultan. It is always amusing to see Rabbi Maimonides portrayed as a victim or humanitarian. He advocated the murder of Christians (by stealth - it should be made to look like an accident). Maimonides decreed that gentiles who would not submit to the the Noachide laws were to be killed (http://talmudical.blogspot.com). Jesus Christ's murder was celebrated by Maimonides. He was a nonpareil gentile-hater and that's saying a lot in a sect consisting of world-class gentile haters.
Martin Gilbert seeks to transform those who resist the Israelis with the tools by which the much-admired partisans resisted the Nazis, into hereditary mass murderers, and transmute the Israelis into --what else?-- hereditary scapegoats and hunted fugitives. In the last paragraph below, the reviewer delivers what he believes to be the final nail in the coffin of Muslim Iran: "The only Muslim state with a Jewish presence today is Iran. Some 25,000 souls live under a regime that not so long ago held a Holocaust Denial Conference..." Wow! I guess this means that Iran is one step away from constructing gas chambers. Forgotten altogether in this typical exercise in Talmudic hubris is the fact that several Palestinians have already died from poison gas in the Israeli state, choked to death on high levels of concentrated tear gas. The irony is wasted on these imperial personalities, however. They desire to be worshipped, never corrected.
Hoffman is the author of The Great Holocaust Trial: The Landmark Battle for the Right to Doubt the West's Most Sacred Relic (http://tinyurl.com/6lyxzou).
The brutal choice offered many Jews in Muslim countries was mass conversion – or massacre
In Ishmael's House: A History of Jews in Muslim Lands by Martin Gilbert
Yale University Press, £25
Sir Martin Gilbert produces gilt-edged histories. The author of a magisterial biography of Winston Churchill and 80 other titles, he provides in this erudite study a definitive account of the neglected history of persecution, intermittent toleration and subsequent ethnic cleansing of Jews from Muslim lands. The impact of his work will be significant. Too often the cause of the enmity between the two peoples is presumed to be associated with the creation of Israel. Gilbert demonstrates the antagonism to be as ancient as Islam itself.
The Jewish presence in Arabia predated the birth of Mohammed by more than 1,000 years. The refusal of the Jews of Medina to accept him as a prophet led to their mass execution. Islam's expansion from the 7th century saw conquered Jewish communities annihilated or sold into slavery. Those spared were subjected to inferior dhimmi status. Equality under the law was proscribed and humiliating restrictions imposed on them survived for centuries. They were compelled to wear distinctive clothing; subjected to an exclusive jizya tax; prohibited from employing Muslims or having sexual relations with Muslim women. Their movement was restricted and they were compelled to walk in the gutters. Another feature was the vanquishing of Judaic holy sites.
In an act that heralded the apparently intractable feud over the Old City, the 7th century Caliph Omar Ibn al-Kattab insisted that the Mosque of Omar be erected at the exact spot in Jerusalem where the Jewish Temple had stood 1,500 years earlier. Gilbert's narrative is seasoned with apposite quotations and anecdotal reports.
He cites the 12th century Jewish sage Maimonides, who was forced to convert to Islam, as having observed that "no nation has ever done more harm to Israel. None has matched it in debasing and humiliating us." Bernard Lewis, the noted historian of Islam, more accurately summarised the position in his observation that the condition of Jews under Islam was "never as bad as in Christendom at its worst, nor ever as good as in Christendom at its best." Certainly, there was nothing to compare with the progressive political emancipation and acceptance accorded to Jews in the democratic West.
The "golden era" that Gilbert cites as a precedent for present day co-existence was the Ottoman Empire, when Arabia enjoyed a form of plurality, and the period of mass migration of Jews to the Middle East. Religious fundamentalism, however, saw to it that such toleration was ephemeral. The 350 years of Persian Shi'ite theocracy that ended in 1925 saw anti-Jewish hatred adopt racial features. Jews straying out of their ghettos during the 3-day muharram mourning period were likely to be killed. Jews were not permitted outdoors when it rained as it was thought the dirt they would shed would sully the feet of Muslims. In 1839, the Jews of the northern Persian city of Mashad were faced with the choice of mass conversion or massacre. Gilbert tells the moving story – sadly, one of many – of a 17-year-old girl, Sol Hachuel, who was publicly beheaded in Tangier in 1834 for refusing to convert. The Spanish consul described the tragedy as that of a Jew "entrapped by Islamic enmity toward the infidel."
The worst excesses of anti-Jewish violence, though, took place in 19th century Palestine. Pogroms, rivalling in intensity those of Tsarist Russia, took place in Hebron, Safed and Acre. Gilbert's meticulous research has unearthed an article written for the New York Daily Tribune in 1854, where Karl Marx wrote that "nothing equals the misery and suffering of the Jews at Jerusalem…the constant object of Musselman oppression and intolerance." Marx added: "Islamism proscribes the nation of the infidels constituting a state of permanent hostility between the Musselman and the unbeliever."
The 20th century saw the increasing use of the law to exclude Jews from Muslim society. In 1926 and 1956, the Egyptian national code promulgated that nationality would only be conferred on those who "belonged racially" to the Arab nation or who embraced Islam. Similarly, Syria legitimised anti-Jewish violence by denying Jewish citizens the civil protection granted to others. The war years saw an escalation of hostility against both Jewish migration and the Jewish presence in Palestine and neighbouring Arab states.
The most extreme manifestation came in the form of the Palestinian Mufti of Jerusalem, Haj Amin el-Husseini. Banished from Palestine, and having fled Iraq where he unsuccessfully attempted to stage a pro-Nazi coup, the Mufti was granted refuge in Berlin. He succeeded in pressuring Hitler not to allow the transit of 4,000 Jewish children from Bulgaria to the safety of Palestine. He was instrumental in establishing an SS division, drawn from Muslim volunteers, who murdered most of Bosnian Jewry. Gilbert also reveals how the Mufti helped create an SS task force under the command of Colonel Walter Rauf who, with the help of Arab collaborators, were charged with planning the mass extermination of not only half a million Jews living in Palestine, but of the Jewish populations in Iraq, Syria, Lebanon and Egypt. The period leading up to the United Nations partition of Palestine witnessed the beginning of the end of Arabian Jewry.
Dr Mohammed Pasha, head of Egypt's UN delegation, publicly threatened the lives of a million Jews in Muslim lands if partition went ahead. His Prime Minister, al-Nukrashi Pasha, proclaimed a state of emergency with the power to arrest all communists. All Jews were declared to be Zionists and all Zionists were held to be communists. Iraq witnessed the public execution of Jews and the expropriation of their property. More than 2,500 years of Jewish presence in Iraq would be brought to an end.
Gilbert recounts in often horrific detail the gradual ethnic cleansing of Jews across North Africa and Arabia. His figures are startling. Following the declaration of the state of Israel in 1948, while 726,000 Palestinian Arabs became refugees, 850,000 Jews were ethnically cleansed from Muslim lands, of whom 580,000 fled to the safety of Israel. None of them received any UN assistance.
Those who remained in Muslim lands did so in constant fear of their lives. Gilbert reveals how between 1962 and 1964 the Israeli government was forced to pay a ransom of $10 million to secure the release of 100,000 Moroccan Jews.
Persecution in Syria took a different turn. There, Jews were forbidden to emigrate. They were also barred from employment, subjected to boycotts, curfews, forbidden to own radios and became the target of Nazi style anti-Semitism. Syria's defence minister Mustafa Tlaas published a bestseller called Matza of Zion alleging that Jews used the blood of murdered Muslims to bake their passover bread. Syria only agreed to free its captive Jewish population in 1991, after unrelenting pressure from the United States. The Syrian authorities now vaunt the empty Jewish quarter of Damascus as a tourist attraction. Gilbert points out that even Muslim regimes that never hosted Jews are infected with a pathological anti-Semitism. The Malaysian Prime Minister Matathir Mohammed did not even bother to disguise his bigotry as anti-Zionism when he inaugurated Malaysia's Anti-Jew Day.
The only Muslim state with a Jewish presence today is Iran. Some 25,000 souls live under a regime that not so long ago held a Holocaust Denial Conference addressed by the regime's foreign minister and whose invitees included the fascist historian David Irving as well as the delightful David Duke of the Ku Klux Klan and other assorted European neo-Nazi celebrities. Few Jews can be optimistic about their long term future in Iran. Martin Gilbert's work provides not just an academic but also an intensely moving new perspective on the world's most intractable conflict.
Date: Sun, Feb 20, 2011 at 11:30 AM
who amongst us is fake? Let's hope no one! But, emailer, be aware.....
by liberty » Sat Feb 19, 2011 3:27 pmwill allow 10 personas per user, replete with background , history, supporting details, and cyber presences that are technically, culturally and geographacilly consistent. Individual applications will enable an operator to exercise a number of different online persons from the same workstation and without fear of being discovered by sophisticated adversaries. Personas must be able to appear to originate in nearly any part of the world and can interact through conventional online services and social media platforms.
The request was for 50 licenses, which means the Air Force hoped to create up to 500 fake people. The request was filled in June, which means these fake people could be roaming the 'net right now.